Empire of Brazil

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Império do Brasil Empire of Brazil ← 1822–1889 →   → Flag Imperial Coat of arms Motto Independência ou Morte! "Independence or Death!" Anthem Hino da Independência "Anthem of Independence" Brazilian Empire, 1822-1828, including former Cisplatina province. Capital Rio de Janeiro Language(s) Portuguese Religion Roman Catholic Government Constitutional Monarchy Emperor  - 1822–1831 Pedro I  - 1831–1889 Pedro II Prime Minister  - 1843–44 Marquis of Paraná (de facto)  - 1847–1848 Manuel Alves Branco 2nd Viscount of Caravelas (office created)  - 1889 Viscount of Ouro Preto (last) Legislature National Assembly  - Upper house Senate  - Lower house Chamber of Deputies History  - Independence September 7, 1822  - Acclamation of Pedro I October 12, 1822  - Acclamation of Pedro II April 7, 1831  - Abolition of slavery May 13, 1888  - Monarchy abolished November 15, 1889 Population  - 1823 est. 4,000,000   - 1854 est. 7,000,700   - 1872 est. 9,930,479   - 1890 est. 14,333,915  Currency Real

The Empire of Brazil was a political entity that comprised of present-day Brazil under the rule of Emperors Pedro I and his son Pedro II. Founded in 1822 it was replaced by a republic in 1889.

As a result of the Napoleonic occupation of Portugal the Portuguese royal family, the Braganzas (Portuguese: os Braganças), went into exile in Brazil the most important of the Portuguese colonies. What followed was a period when Brazil became the capital of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves and enjoyed self-government under the Braganza dynasty with no reference to the authorities in Lisbon. This nurtured a distaste for the idea of returning to status quo ante upon the overthrow of Napoleon's influence over Portugal. Brazil came to be independent of Portugal albeit under the rule of a member of the Portuguese royal family.

After its independence from the Portuguese on September 7, 1822 Brazil became a monarchy, the Empire of Brazil, which lasted until the establishment of a republic and government on November 15, 1889. Two emperors occupied the throne in that period: Pedro I from 1822 to 1831; and Pedro II from 1831 to 1889. King João VI of Portugal held the title of Emperor of Brazil as stipulated by the treaty recognizing Brazilian independence.

The end of the Empire in 1889 and the foundation of the republic was a reactionary development following the abolition of slavery in 1888 which had created a serious threat to the interests of the economic and political oligarchy.^[1][2][3]

Contents 1 History 1.1 Independence 1.2 Early years 1.3 The Anarchy 1.3.1 A troubled regency 1.3.2 The Additional Act and resulting rebellions 1.4 Consolidation 1.4.1 The Courtier Faction and Pedro II's early majority 1.4.2 Rise of the Conservative Party 1.4.3 The Praieira revolt and the Platine War 1.5 Growth 1.5.1 The Conciliation policy 1.5.2 A new party: the Progressist League 1.6 Apogee 1.7 Decline 1.8 Fall 2 Government 2.1 National politics 2.2 Provincial and local government 2.3 Elections 2.4 Armed Forces 2.5 Foreign relations 3 Economy 3.1 Currency 3.2 Overview 4 Society 4.1 Demographics 4.2 Ethnic groups 4.3 European immigration 4.4 Slavery 4.5 Nobility 4.6 Religion 5 See also 6 Notes 7 References

[edit] History

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[edit] Independence

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[edit] Early years

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[edit] The Anarchy

[edit] A troubled regency

On 7 April 1831 Emperor Pedro I abdicated and departed for Europe leaving behind his five year old son Dom Pedro II as emperor. This development was unexpected and was deplored by both the Liberal Party and the Brazilian people.^[4] A regency having little effective authority was created resulting in nine years of chaos during which the country was plagued by rebellions and coup attempts initiated by unruly political factions.^[5] The Liberal Party which assumed power on 7 April had been only a loose coalition representing "disparate interests, united only by their opposition to Pedro I."^[6] Although they were called liberals various groups within the coalition championed one or another liberal ideal while others opposed these points preferring to promote other aspects of liberalism.^[7]

The party soon split into two factions: the republicans (also known as the "Exalted"^[8] or "Tatters"^[9]) which was a small but aggressive group and the "moderate" liberals.^[6] The moderate liberals consisted of a coalition of the Nativists whose main leader was the priest Diogo Antônio Feijó^[6] and the Coimbra bloc–so-called because many of its supporters had graduated from Coimbra University.^[10] The Coimbra bloc's main leaders were Pedro de Araújo Lima (later Marquis of Olinda) and Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos.^[10] Vasconcelos acted not only as a leader but also as a mentor to the younger generation of his faction which included Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (later the Marquis of Paraná), Paulino Soares de Sousa (later the first Viscount of Uruguay) and Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres.^[11]

There were also other smaller groups not related to the moderates of which the most important were the restorationists (or Caramurus^[9]) who called for the return of Pedro I as regent instead of his son.^[12] Beyond the need to fight the restorationist threat^[13] the only other common interest uniting the Nativists and the Coimbra bloc into the Moderate Party was their support of federalism.^[14] The Brazilian constitution was overly centralized and this was one of the main reasons behind their opposition to the former emperor^[15] who was openly against any constitutional amendment.^[16] The Moderate Party believed that by granting more autonomy to the provinces it could placate discontent and extinguish any separatist threat.^[6][17]

A constitutional amendment effecting greater decentralization was voted upon and approved in the Chambers of Deputies but it still faced major opposition in the Senate.^[18] The priest Antônio Feijó planned a coup d’état in which he would assume dictatorial powers and the constitutional amendment would be passed without the approval of the National Assembly (Parliament).^[19] On 30 July 1832 some Nativist deputies (in concert with Feijó) put a proposal before the Chamber that parliament be turned into a constituent assembly and that a new constitution be adopted using as part of their argument that the senate was filled with restorationist senators.^[20] The Deputy Carneiro Leão managed to successfully rally the other deputies against the Nativists' proposal and the coup attempt was crushed.^[21] The Coimbra bloc's firm actions prevented restriction of legal rights and kept Brazil from sliding into dictatorship during the regency even under the threat of rebellions and political crises.^[5]

[edit] The Additional Act and resulting rebellions

The constitutional amendment, called Ato Adicional (the Additional Act), was finally promulgated on 12 August 1834.^[22] Among its provisions were the abolition of the Council of State and the establishment of a federal national structure due to administrative and political provincial decentralization.^[22] "Dissolution of power to the provinces, far from placating local ambitions and discontents, kindled them into flame. In the far north and the far south, civil wars broke out", such as the War of the Tatters, Cabanagem and Balaiada.^[22] This occurred because local self-government opened new avenues for conflict between political parties. Whichever party could dominate the provinces also gained control over the electoral and political system. Unwilling to accept being shut out parties which had lost elections rebelled and tried to assume power by force.^[23]

In April 1835 an election was held to select a new regent. The outcome was problematic as no candidate won a majority of the vote. Feijó, the leader of the Nativists, garnered the most votes and assumed office on 12 October.^[22] News of the premature death of former emperor Pedro I on 24 September 1834 had arrived from Europe effectively removing the restorationist movement as a factor in national politics.^[22] Many restorationists joined the ranks of the Coimbra bloc. Both groups shared similar economic, social and ideological views.^[24] They were all firm monarchists and opposed Feijó.^[24] The death of Pedro I eliminated the chief difference between them as the Coimbra bloc was firmly opposed to his return.^[25] The first hints of what would later become the Conservative Party appeared when they began throwing their support to candidates other than Feijó and it became clearer after Deputy Carneiro Leão initiated talks with the restorationists in October 1834.^[24]

Once in office Feijó proved to be an authoritarian with little inclination to be accountable to parliament. By 1837 his government's credibility and support had disappeared. Uprisings both in the north and south had not been suppressed and other issues were ignored. "The country's needs were not being addressed."^[26] The reinvigorated Coimbra bloc intensified its efforts to remove Feijó from office due to inappropriate behavior and in August 1837 the regent resigned.^[26] He was replaced by Araújo Lima who appointed his colleagues to fill ministry portfolios.^[27] The Coimbra bloc "had come to power - not through a coup, not through a dynast's favor, but through the conquest of a representative majority in the Chamber."^[27] This marked the extinction of the always weak Moderate Party.^[28] The Coimbra bloc began a policy aimed at restoring and enforcing order throughout Brazil. A new law was passed which built upon the Ato Adicional (Additional Act) of 1834 to allow the national government to reassert control over provincial police and courts.^[29][28] This greatly enhanced the national government's ability to deal with rebels.^[30] However, no changes were made to the administrative and political autonomy granted to the provinces by the amendment of 1834.^[31]

The Coimbra bloc's credibility was considerably enhanced by the close links, both political and personal, that its leaders established with the booming coffe sector in the Paraíba valley just to the north of Rio de Janeiro city. Coffee exports quadrupled during the 1820s and doubled again between 1829 and 1835. "The economic boom strengthened the position of the national government, increasing its revenues and its ability to secure loans."^[32]

Feijo's Nativists allied with minor parties and remnants of other factions in opposition to the new government. These shared no common principles or ideology. "They were a pragmatic alliance involving everyone from republican radicals to moderate reformists to liberal monarchists to former restorationists."^[33] This group would evolve during the 1840s into the second "Liberal Party".^[34] Fearful that their adversaries would perpetuate themselves in power the Liberals began to call for a lowering of the age at which Pedro II would attain majority.^[35] They saw an opportunity to regain influence by doing away with the regency and instead dealing directly with a pliable young emperor. "Without experience, he might be manipulated by whoever brought him to power."^[36] Towards that end they allied themselves with a new and powerful political faction known as "The Courtier Faction" led by Aureliano de Sousa Oliveira Coutinho (later the Viscount of Sepetiba) who was one Feijó's supporters in the 30 July 1832 failed coup.^[37] The Courtier Faction had been formed by politicians and high-ranking servants in the Imperial Palace who were close to the young emperor.^[38]

[edit] Consolidation

[edit] The Courtier Faction and Pedro II's early majority

The Coimbra bloc was not opposed to lowering the age of majority for the emperor but they demanded that any change should be made through legal means i.e. a constitutional amendment.^[39] The liberals were less scrupulous and with popular support and after pressuring the regent to accept the loss of his position declared Pedro II of age on 23 July 1840.^[40] The Liberal cabinet, formed upon the assumption of majority by Pedro II, called national elections in 1840. These were so violent and fraudulent that they became known as "Eleições do cacete" ("Bludgeon elections").^[41][42] The alliance between liberals and courtiers did not last long. The liberal ministers in the cabinet presented their resignations in an attempt to get rid of their courtier allies. The young and inexperienced emperor was compelled to choose between the ministers and the courtiers. The bluff failed and Pedro II, influenced by the courtiers, accepted the cabinet's resignation. On 23 March 1841 a new cabinet was nominated which included some ministers taken from the Coimbra bloc.^[43]

The liberals did not accept their loss of power gracefully. In May and June 1842 there followed three uprisings within the provinces of São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro itself. The pretext was a claim "to be acting against the tyrannical measures of the imperial government, which, they alleged, was holding the monarch captive."^[44] The rebels were easily defeated and by late August the rebellions were over.^[45] Among the rebel leaders was the former Regent Feijó who was arrested and died shortly afterwards in 1843.^[46]

Members of the Coimbra bloc began to call it the "Party of Order" in contrast to what they perceived as the "unruly" Liberals^[47] and their suppression of the uprisings left them in a very powerful position."^[48] In the cabinet there was increasing friction^[48] caused by Aureliano Coutinho who owed his seat as minister solely to his influence over Pedro II. It was widely known that he had been antagonistic towards the Party of Order from its inception.^[49] Aureliano "found himself increasingly ostracized and excluded by his fellow ministers".^[49] After new legislature was put into action on 1 January 1843 Aureliano's position worsened and the cabinet pressured him to resign.^[49] Pedro II did not not want to lose Aureliano and instead opted to dismiss the entire cabinet on 20 January.^[49]

[edit] Rise of the Conservative Party

On 20 January 1843 the emperor appointed Carneiro Leão who was now a senator to head a new cabinet.^[50][51] By personally selecting the cabinet members he became Brazil's de facto first prime minister. Prior to this the emperor had always designated the cabinet ministers. Following on from this precedent the office of prime minister would be formally instituted four years later under the title "President of the Council of Ministers".^[52][53][54] The Party of Order at this time held majorities in the Senate, the Chamber of Deputies and the Council of State.^[55][50] The new cabinet opposed amnesty for participants in the 1842 uprisings. This refusal was despite many involved having already been imprisoned for almost a year which rendered the possibilities for successful prosecution unlikely. Carneiro Leão acting as minister of Justice also pursued indictments against five senators who had collaborated during the revolts seeking a trial in the upper house. This came to dominate debate in the Senate and sidelined action on the government's legislative agenda during the ten months of the extended session. The cabinet's uncompromising position lost them the support of many who had been friendly toward the ministry.^[56] A quarrel between Pedro II and Carneiro Leão led to the cabinet's resignation at the end of January 1844.^[57][58]

For the next four years the Party of Order stood in opposition to the Liberals. During this time they also witnessed the rise and fall of Aureliano Coutinho's "Courtier Faction" which was allied to the Liberal Party. The Courtier Faction held nearly absolute sway over Brazilian politics for a couple of years. This lasted until the emperor was fully grown and experienced purged everyone linked to the group including Aureliano who no longer held any influence in politics after Pedro II imposed an unspoken ban on him holding any political position.^[59] The monarch made clear that he thereafter would make his own impartial decisions free from the influence of others.^[60] From February 1844 through May 1848 the country saw four cabinets in succession and all composed of members from the Liberal Party. The inability of them to produce any concrete results stood as testimony to their internal divisions. Progressive initiatives lay dormant including new technology such as railroads, the electric telegraph and the new institutions including the primary school system.^[61] After the last Liberal cabinet resigned Pedro II called upon the Party of Order to form a new cabinet^[61] and who were by then known simply as the "Conservative Party" due to their goal of "preserving" the order and the constitutional monarchy.^[52] The former regent Pedro de Araújo Lima, the chief figure among the conservatives, assumed the office of president.^[62]

[edit] The Praieira revolt and the Platine War

Unlike their rivals the liberals were incapable of taking turns in office.^[63][64] The most radical faction of the liberals in the province of Pernambuco, known as the Partido da Praia ("Party of the Beach"), were openly prepared to revolt and retake power by force. Although nominally liberal the praieiros were in reality related to the "Courtier Faction"^[65] and had Aureliano Coutinhoas as their national leader.^[66] In a sense the rebellion would represent the last gasp of the once-powerful "Courtier Faction" which had languished all but defunct since 1847.^[63] The praieiros had no popular support and they knew that public opinion was against them—the more so as it became apparent they had no coherent rationale to justify rebellion.^[67] The rebellion which had began in 7 November 1848^[64][68][69] had a small reach and was crushed on 2 February 1849 when the praieiros were decisively defeated after attacking the capital of Pernambuco, Recife.^[64][70] The main consequences following the end of the Praieira revolt included the almost complete disappearance of the Liberal Party who were rejected by public opinion for its actions,^[68][71] consolidation of support for the parliamentary monarchy among Brazilians^[64] and the supremacy of the Conservative Party in politics during the next decade.^[70]

Another issue came in confronting the trade in illegally imported slaves which had been banned in 1826 as part of a treaty with Britain.^[72] The traffic continued unabated and the British government's passage of the Aberdeen Act of 1845 authorized British warships to board Brazilian shipping and seize any found involved in the slave trade.^[73] A bill was declared on 4 September 1850 which gave the Brazilian government the authority to combat the illegal slave traffic. With this new tool Brazil moved to eliminate the importation of slaves and Britain recognized that the trade had been at last suppressed.^[74]

With Brazil internally pacified and the British menace gone the conservative cabinet could turn its attention to another serious foreign threat the Argentine dictator Don Juan Manuel de Rosas. Rosas had sought to annex the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul and planned the conquests of Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia. These moves threatened the creation of a dominion encompassing the territories of the old Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata (a former Spanish colony in South America).^[75] Brazil's cabinet decided to forge alliances with other nations threatened by the dictator's ambitions^[76] and sent an army commanded by Luis Alves de Lima e Silva (later the Dukes of Caxias) to Uruguay which crossed the border on 4 September 1851.^[77] The Brazilian army split in two and one half of it, a division, along with Uruguayan forces and Argentine rebel troops invaded Argentina. On 3 February 1852 the allies defeated an army led by Rosas who fled to the United Kingdom.^[78][79] The victory over the Argentine dictator was followed by a period of stability and prosperity in Brazil during the 1850s.^[80] Only Chile matched Brazil in political stability and in the strength of its economy in the Latin American nations.^[80]

[edit] Growth

[edit] The Conciliation policy

On 6 September 1853 Carneiro Leão was appointed President of the Council of Ministers and charged with organizing a new cabinet.^[81] He was at this time the most influential politician in the country^[82] and leader of the Conservative Party.^[83] Emperor Pedro II wished to advance his ambitious plan: the Conciliation.^[84][85] The goal of the Conciliation was to put an end to the armed conflicts between political factions that was started by Restorationists at the beginning of the 1830s and continued by Liberals. It had become usual for parties which were ousted from power in elections to attempt to regain it by force of arms as happened in 1842 and 1848. From that point on political disputes were to be settled democratically in the parliament. Both parties would be required to rise above partisanship and instead devote themselves to the common good of the nation.^[86][81]

The new president invited several Liberals to join the Conservative ranks and went so far as to name some as ministers.^[87] The cabinet was plagued from the beginning by strong opposition from Conservative Party members who repudiated the newly-adopted conservatives believing that these did not truly share the party's ideals and were mainly interested in gaining public offices.^[88][89][90] Despite the mistrust Carneiro Leão demonstrated great resilience in fending off threats and overcoming obstacles and setbacks.^[88][91] Improvements throughout the country were made including the first railroad, steamship passenger lines, sewers, and public gas illumination as well as new incentives to promote immigration from Europe.^[92]

With the sudden and unexpected death of Carneiro Leão in September 1856 his cabinet would survive him by only a few months. The Emperor, a critic of the Conciliation as it had been implemented,^[89] learned to appreciate its merits and was eager to continue with it.^[93] Thus the cabinet survived Carneiro Leão, albeit with another president, until 4 May 1857.^[94]

The traditional Conservatives who opposed the Conciliation policy were led by Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres, the Viscount of Itaboraí, Eusébio de Queirós and Paulino Soares de Sousa, the Viscount of Uruguay - the "Saquarema Triumvirate". The Conservative Party was also known as "Saquarema Party" due to the coastal town of Saquarema in Rio de Janeiro province where Rodrigues Torres owned coffe farms. These elder-statesmen were of the same generation as the late Carneiro Leão and had assumed the leadership of the Conservative Party after his death. Although conservative in name they had repeatedly proven more progressive than their rival Liberals in many areas.^[95]

[edit] A new party: the Progressist League

During the years following 1857 none of the cabinets survived long. They had quickly collapsed due to the lack of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. The Conservative Party had split down the middle: on one side were the Traditionalists and on the other the Conciliators (who by 1860 were called simply "moderate conservatives"). The true reason for the schism was not the Conciliation policy as the speechs made it appear. In the wake of Carneiro Leão's cabinet a new generation of politicians had emerged eager to acquire more power inside the Conservative Party. These saw their path to the top ranks as being blocked by the convervative elders who would not easily relinquish control.^[96]

Remaining members of the Liberal Party, which had languished since the Praieira rebellion in 1849, took advantage of the Conservative Party's apparent dissolution to return to national politics with renewed strength. They delivered a powerful blow to the government when they managed to win several seats in the Chamber of Deputies in 1860.^[97] The Emperor asked the Marquis (later Duke) of Caxias who had commanded the Brazilian forces in the Platine War, and was also a member of the Conservative Party, to head a new cabinet on 2 March 1861.^[98] The new government had to face a major challenge as the Chamber of Deputies was divided in three groups: the traditional or "pure" Conservatives, the "moderate" Conservatives and the Liberals.^[99] Caxias named men who were part of the pure and moderate Conservatives to the remaining portfolios trying to weaken the revigorated Liberal opposition and consolidate a workable governing majority.^[99]

The cabinet was unable to function due to a lack of true support internally. It was doomed when José Tomás Nabuco de Araújo Filho, the former Justice minister in the Conciliation cabinet, delivered a speech advocating a merger of moderate Conservatives and Liberals into a truly new political party.^[100] So well-received was this speech that both groups voted together as a single cohesive faction leaving the government without a majority. The cabinet requested Pedro II dissolve the Chamber and call for new elections but he refused. With no remaining alternative the ministers resigned and on 24 May 1862 the Emperor named a member of the Moderate-Liberal coalition to form a new cabinet.^[101] The new political party of which the majority of members were former Conservatives^[102] was called the "Progressist League".^[103]

It was the end of 14 years of Conservative dominance in national politics.^[101] The period had marked a time of peace and prosperity for Brazil. "The political system functioned smoothly. Civil liberties were maintained. A start had been made on the introduction into Brazil of railroads, the electric telegraph, and steamship lines. The country was no longer troubled by the disputes and conflicts that had racked it during its first thirty years."^[104]

This tranquility disappeared when the British consul in Rio de Janeiro William Dougal Christie nearly sparked a war between Britain and Brazil. Christie believed in Gunboat diplomacy^[105] and sent an ultimatum containing abusive demands arising out of two minor incidents at the end of 1861 and beginning of 1862. The first was the sinking of a commercial barque on the coast of Rio Grande do Sul after which its goods were pillaged by local inhabitants. The second was the arrest of drunken British officers who were causing a disturbance in the streets of Rio.^{[106][105][107]} The Brazilian government refused to yield and Christie issued orders for British warships to capture Brazilian merchant vessels as indemnity.^{[108][109][110]} Brazil's Navy prepared for imminent conflict^[111], the purchase of coastal artillery was ordered,^[112] several ironclads were authorized^[113] and coastal defenses were given permission to fire upon any British warship that tried to capture Brazilian merchant ships.^[114] Pedro II was the main reason for Brazil's resistance as he rejected any suggestion of yielding.^{[115][116][117][118]} This response came as a surprise to Christie who changed his tenor and proposed a peaceful settlement through international arbitration.^{[119][120][121]} The Brazilian government presented its demands and upon seeing the British government's position weaken severed diplomatic ties with Britain in June 1863.^{[122][123][121]}

[edit] Apogee

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[edit] Decline

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[edit] Fall

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[edit] Government

[edit] National politics

Article 2 of Brazil's Constitution held both the emperor and the National Assembly, which in 1824 was composed of 50 senators and 102 deputies, as the nation's representatives. This endowed the Assembly with both status and authority. The Constitution saw the four political powers legislative, moderating, executive and judicial, as "delegations of the nation" with the division of those powers the best way to support the constitution.^[124]

Because only the emperor exercised the moderating power as chief executive he had the final say and held ultimate control over the national government. Even so, the prerogatives and authority granted to the legislature within the Constitution meant that it could and would play a major and indispensible role in the functioning of the government. It was no mere rubber stamp. The National Assembly alone could enact, revoke, interpret and suspend laws under rticle 13 of the Constitution. The legislature also held the power of the purse and was required to annually authorize expenditures and taxes with it alone able to approve and exercise oversight of government loans and debts. Other responsibilities entrusted to the Assembly included setting the size of the military's forces, the creation of offices within the government, monitoring the national welfare and ensuring that the government was being run in conformity to the Constitution. This last provision allowed the legislature wide authority to examine and debate government policy and conduct.^[125]

In foreign policy the Constitution required that the National Assembly be consulted about delarations of war, treaties and the conduct of international relations though Article 102. A determined legislator could exploit these Constitutional provisions to block or limit government decisions, influence appointments and force reconsideration of policies.^[126]

During its annual four-month sessions the Assembly conducted public debates. These were widely reported and formed a national forum for the expression of public concerns from all parts of the country. It was frequently a venue for expressing opposition to policies and airing grievances. Legislators enjoyed immunity from prosecution for speeches made from the floor and in the discharge of their offices. Only their own chambers within the Assembly could order the arrest of a member during his tenure. "With no actual responsibility for the actual conduct of affairs, the legislators were free to propose sweeping reforms, advocate ideal solutions, and denounce compromising and opportunistic conduct by the government."^[126]

The emperor was tasked with ensuring national independence and stability. The Constitution (Article 101) gave him very few avenues for imposing his will upon the National Assembly. His main recourse was the right to dissolve or extend legislative sessions. In the Senate the emperor's authority to nominate senators did not necessarily give him added influence since senators held their offices for life and were thus freed from government pressure once confirmed. On those occasions when the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved new elections were required to be held immediately and the new Chamber seated. "This power was effective when held in reserve as a threat. It could not be employed repeatedly, nor would its use work to the emperor's advantage."^[126] During the reign of Pedro I the Chamber of Deputies was never dissolved and legislative sessions were never extended or postponed.^[127] Under Pedro II not once in his 58 years as emperor was the Chamber of Deputies dissolved at his initiative and this only occurred after being solicited by the President of the Council of Ministers. There were eleven dissolutions during the period of his reign and of theseten occurred after consultation with the Council of State which was something not obligatory under the Constitution.^[128]

A Constitutional balance of power existed between the National Assembly and the executive branch under the emperor. The legislature could not operate alone and the monarch could not force his will upon the Assembly. The system functioned smoothly only when both Assembly and emperor acted in a spirit of cooperation for the national good.^[126]

A new element was added when the office of "President of the Council of Ministers" was officially created in 1847—although it had existed in practice since 1843. The president of the Council owed his position to both his party and to the emperor and these could sometimes come into conflict. Nabuco said "The President of the Council in Brazil was no Russian Chancellor, Sovereign's creature, nor an English Prime Minister, made only by the trust of the Commons: the delegation of the Crown was to him as necessary and important as the delegation of the Chamber, and, to exert with safety his functions, he had to dominate the caprice, the oscillations and ambitions of the Parliament, as well as to preserve always unalterable the favor, the good will of the emperor."^[129]

[edit] Provincial and local government

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[edit] Elections

In Imperial Brazil voting was obligatory^[130] and elections occurred in two steps. In the first phase voters chose Electors who then selected senatorial candidates and the emperor would choose a new Senator (member of the upper house) from the list of the three candidates who had received the highest number of popular votes. The Electors also chose the Deputies (members of the lower house), provincial deputies (members of the Provincial Assemblies) and councilmen (members of the town assemblies) without the involvement of the emperor in making a final selection.^[131] All males 25 years of age or older with an income of at least Rs 100,000 (then-U.S. $98.00^[132]) per year or more were eligible to vote in the first phase. The voting age was lowered to 21 for married men. To become an Elector it was necessary to have an annual income of at least Rs 200,000.^[131]

The Brazilian system was quite democratic for the period during which indirect elections were common. The income requirement was much higher in the United Kingdom even after the 1832 reform.^[133] At the time the only nations not requiring a certain level of income as a qualification for voting were France and Switzerland where universal suffrage was introduced only in 1848.^[134][135] It is probable that no European country at the time had such liberal legislation as Brazil.^[133] The income requirement was low enough that any employed male citizen could qualify to vote.^[132][135] As an illustration the civil employee with the lowest wage in 1876 was a janitor working in the public sector who earned Rs 600,000 annually.^[133]

Most voters in Brazil had a low income.^[136][137] In 1876, for example, in the town of Formiga in the province of Minas Gerais the poor constituted 70% of the electorate and in Irajá in the province of Rio de Janeiro, they were 87%.^{[136][137][133]} Ex-slaves could not vote, but their children and grandchildren could^[134] as could the illiterate^[138] (which few countries allowed).^[136] In 1872 13% of the free Brazilian population voted.^[139] For comparation in 1870 in the UK electoral participation was 7% of the total population; in Italy it was 2%; in Portugal 9%; and in the Netherlands 2.5%.^[134] In 1832 the year of the British electoral reform 3% of the British voted. Further reforms in 1867 and 1884 expanded electoral participation in the UK to 15%.^[140]

Although electoral fraud was common it was not ignored by the emperors, politicians or observers of the time. The problem was considered a major issue and attempts were made to correct abuses.^[131][138] Legislation such as the electoral reforms of 1855, 1875 and 1881 were enacted with the intention to eliminate, or at least to diminish, fraud.^[141] The latter reform brought significant changes, because it eliminated the two-part electoral system and introduced direct and facultative voting,^[142] allowed the votes of former slaves and enfranchised non-Catholics.^[137] There were negative effects as illiterate citizens were no longer allowed to vote^[137] and participation in elections dropped from 13% to only 0.8% in 1886.^[137] In 1889 about 15% of the Brazilian population could read and write so depriving the illiterate of the franchise is insufficient to explain the sudden fall in voting percentages. Because voting was no longer mandatory this and lack of interest may have been significant factors contributing to the reduction in the number of voters.^[143]

[edit] Armed Forces

The Brazilian Armed Forces were subordinate to the Emperor via its Commander-in-Chief.^[144] He was aided by the Ministers of War and Navy in regard to matters concerning the Army and the Armada respectively—although in practice the President of the Council of Ministers exercised oversight of both. Traditionally the Ministers of War and Navy were civilians though there were exceptions.^[145][146]

The military was organized along lines similar to the 19th century British and American defense systems in which a small standing army could quickly augment its strength during emergencies from reserve militia (in Brazil, the National Guard) forces. Most important of all its first line of defense relied upon a powerful and large navy to protect the nation against foreign attack. As a matter of policy the military was to be completely obedient to the civilian government and to keep at arms length from involvement in political decisions.^[147]

Military personnel were allowed to run for and serve in political offices while remaining on active duty. However they did not represent the Army or the Armada but were expected instead to stand for the interests of the people in the city or province which had elected them.^[145] Dom Pedro I chose nine military officers as Senators and appointed five (out of 14) to the Council of State. During the Regency two were named to the Senate and none to the Council of State (this body was dormant while the Regency was in place). Dom Pedro II chose four officers as Senators during the 1840s, two in the 1850s and three others during the remaining years of his reign. He also appointed seven officers to be State Counselors during the 1840s–1850s and three after that.^[148]

[edit] Foreign relations

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[edit] Economy

[edit] Currency

The unit of currency under the Empire and until 1942 was the real ("royal"), plural réis, and was derived from the Portuguese real. It was usually called milréis (English: thousand royals) and written as 1$000. A thousand milréis (1:000$000)—or one million réis—was known as conto de réis."^[149] One conto de réis was represented by the symbol Rs written before the value and by a dollar sign separating the units group (lower than 1,000 réis). Thus, 350 réis was written as "Rs 350"; 1,712 réis as "Rs 1$712"; and 1,020,800 réis was written as "Rs 1:020$800". This means that the colon functioned as the millions comma and the $ sign as the thousands comma; the colon is the actual group separator and the $ sign is used only for separating the smaller group of units.^[150]

[edit] Overview

Brazil's international trade reached a total value of Rs 79.000:000$000 between 1834 and 1839. This continued to increase every year until it reached Rs 472.000:000$000 between 1886 and 1887 giving an annual growth rate of 3.88% since 1839.^[151] The absolute value of exports from the Empire in 1850 was the highest in Latin America at triple that of Argentina which was in fourth place. And Brazil would keep its position in this respect and in general economic terms until the end of the monarchy.^[152] Brazilian economic growth, especially after 1850, compared well with that of the United States and European nations.^[153] The national revenue amounted to Rs 11.795:000$000 in 1831 and rose to Rs 160.840:000$000 in 1889. By 1858 it was the eighth largest in the world.^[154] To give an idea of the economic potential of the country during the Empire the Barsa Encyclopedia said "[if] it had been able to sustain the level of productivity achieved in 1780 and managed to increase exports at a pace equal to that verified in the second half of 19th century, its per capita income in 1950 would be comparable to the average per capita income of the Western European nations".^[155]

As the decades passed new technologies appeared and with increases in internal productivity exports increased considerably. This made it possible to reach equilibrium in the balance of trade. During the 1820s sugar constituted about 30% of total exports while cotton constituted 21%, coffee 18% and leather and skins 14%. Twenty years later coffee would reach 42%, sugar 27%, leather and skins 9%, and cotton 8% of the total exports. This did not mean a reduction in the production of these any of these items and in fact the opposite occurred with growth occurred in all sections, some more than others. In this period of only twenty years Fausto says "Brazilian exports had doubled in volume and had tripled in nominal value" while the valuation denominated in Pounds sterling increased by over 40%.^[156]

In the 1820s Brazil exported 11,000 tons of cacao and by 1880 this had increased to 73,500 tons.^[157] Between 1821 and 1825 41,174 tons of sugar were exported which reached the incredible level of 238,074 tons between 1881 and 1885.^[158] Up to 1850 rubber production was insignificant but between 1881 and 1890 it reached third place among Brazilian exports.^[159] This was about 81 tons between 1827 and 1830 reaching 1,632 tons in 1852. By 1900 the country was exporting 24,301,452 tons of rubber.^[160] Brazil also exported around 3,377,000 tons of coffee between 1821 and 1860 while between 1861 and 1889 this reached 6,804,000 tons.^[161] Technological innovation also contributed to the growth of exports.^[162] The main reason for this was the adoption of steam navigation and railroads which allowed transportation of cargo to become much easier and faster.^[163]

Development on an immense scale occurred during this period which anticipated similar advancements in European countries.^[164][165] In 1850 there were 50 factories valued at more than Rs 7.000:000$000. At the end of the Imperial period in 1889 Brazil had 636 factories representing an annual rate of increase of 6.74% from 1850 and valued at approximately Rs 401.630:600$000 with an annual growth rate of 10.94% since 1850.^[166] The "countryside echoed with the clang of iron track being laid as railroads were constructed at the most furious pace of the nineteenth century; indeed, building in the 1880's was the second greatest in absolute terms in Brazil's entire history. Only eight countries in the entire world laid more track in the decade than Brazil."^[167] The first railroad line, with only 15 kilometers, was opened on 30 April 1854^[168] at a time when many European countries had no rail service.^[164] By 1868 there were 718 kilometers of railroad lines^[169] and by the end of the Empire in 1889 this had grown to 9,200 kilometers with another 9,000 kilometers under construction^[170] making it the country with "the largest rail network in Latin America".^[167]

Factories were constructed throughout the Empire during the 1880s allowing Brazil's cities began to be modernized and "receive the benefits of gas, electrical, sanitation, telegraph and tram companies. Brazil was entering the modern world."^[167] It was the fifth country in the world to install modern city sewers, the third to have sewage treatment^[164] and one of the pioneers in the installation of a telephone service.^[171] Beyond these it was the first South American nation to adopt public electric illumination (in 1883)^[172] and the second in the Americas (behind the United States) to estabilish a trans-Atlantic telegraphic line connecting it directly to Europe in 1874.^[164] The first domestic telegraph line appeared in 1852 in Rio de Janeiro. By 1889 there were 18,925 kilometers of telegraph lines connecting the country's capital to distant Brazilian provinces such as Pará and even linking to other South American countries such as Argentina and Uruguay.^[173]

[edit] Society

[edit] Demographics

Ever since the second half of the 18th century, even when Brazil was still a colony, the government attempted to gather data regarding the population but few captaincies (later called provinces) collected the requested information.^[174] After independence the government instituted a commission for statistics in a decree of 1829 with a mandate to hold a national census.^[174] The commission was a failure and was disbanded in 1834. In the ensuing years provincial governments were tasked with collecting census information but their census reports were often incomplete or not done at all.^[174] In 1851 another try at a nationwide census ended in failure due to rioting by Brazilians of mixed-race descent who believed (erroneously) that the survey was a subterfuge with the purpose of enslaving anyone having African blood.^[175]

The first true national census with exhaustive and broad coverage was done in 1872. It showed Brazil as having a total population of 9,930,478 inhabitants.^[175] Estimates made by the government in prior decades showed 4,000,000 inhabitants in 1823 and gave a figure of 7,000,700 in 1854.^[175] The population was distributed across 20 provinces and one neutral district (the Imperial capital) with 641 municipalities and 1,473 smaller towns.^[175] The small population and small number of towns revealed an enormous but sparsely populated country.

Among the free population 23.4% of males and 13.4% of females were considered literate.^[176] Men represented 52% (5,123,869) of the total population.^[176] Figures for the population by age showed: 24.6% were children between the ages of 0 and 10; 21.1% were adolescents and young men between 11 and 20; 32.9% were adults between 21 and 40; 8.4% were between 41 and 50; 12.8% were between 51 and 70; and lastly, only 3.4% were over 71.^[176] The northeast region and the southeast region together held 87.2% of the total population.^[177]

The second national census was held in 1890 when the Brazilian republic was but a few months old. Its results showed that the population had grown in the meantime to 14,333,915 inhabitants.^[178]

[edit] Ethnic groups

In Imperial Brazil the ethnic groups recognized were: white, black, Indian and pardo.^[178] The pardo (English: Brown) was a designation for multiracial Brazilians which is still officially used^[179][180] though some scholars prefer the term mestiço (English: Mixed one) and is a broad category that includes Caboclos (descendants of Whites and Indians), Mulattoes (descendants of Whites and Blacks) and Cafusos (descendants of Blacks and Indians).^{[181][179][180][182][183][184][185]}

The caboclos formed the majority of the population in the Northern, Northeastern and Central-Western regions.^[176][186] A large mulatto population inhabited the eastern coast of the northeastern region from Bahia to Paraíba^[185][187] and were also present in northern Maranhão,^[188][189] southern Minas Gerais^[190] in eastern Rio de Janeiro and in Espírito Santo.^[185][190] The cafuso were the smallest and most difficult to distinguish from the two other mixed-race sub-groups since the descendants of caboclos and mulattoes interbreeding also fall into this category and were found in the northeast sertão (English: backcountry). These groups may still be found in the same areas today.^[191]

The white Brazilians descended from the original Portuguese settlers. From the 1870s on these also included other European immigrants: mainly Italians, Spanish and Germans. Although they could be found throughout the country they were the majority group in the southern region and in São Paulo province.^[176] Whites also comprised a significant proportion (40%) of the population in the northeastern provinces of Ceará, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Norte.^[176] The black Brazilians of Sub-Saharan African ancestry inhabited the same areas as mulattoes. The majority of the population of Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Bahia, Sergipe, Alagoas and Pernambuco provinces (the last four having the smallest percentages of whites in the entire nation—less than 30% in each) were black or pardo.^[176] The Indians, the indigenous peoples of Brazil, were found mainly in Piauí, Maranhão, Pará and Amazonas.^[176]

Because of the existence of distinct racial and cultural communities 19th Century Brazil developed as a multi–ethnic nation. However the data is problematic as no reliable information is available for the years prior to 1872. Historian Afrânio Peixoto reported that the population of 1835 was comprised of 24.1% whites, 18.2% pardos, 51.4% blacks and an unknown number of Indians. In 1872 there were 38.1% whites, 38.4% pardos, 16.5% blacks and 7% Indians. By 1890 the figures were 44% whites, 32% pardos, 12% blacks and 12% Indians.^[192] The main issue regarding this data is that the author does not say what sources were used in obtaining the statistics.^[192]

Ethnic groups in Brazil (1872 and 1890)
Years	Whites	Pardos	Blacks	Indians	Total
1872	38.1%	38.3%	19.7%	3.9%	100%
1890	44.0%	32.4%	14.6%	9%	100%

An unofficial estimate made by the explorer Alexander von Humboldt in 1825 reveals a nation with 920,000 whites, 1,960,000 blacks and 1,120,000 pardos and Indians out of a total population of 4 million inhabitants in that year.^[178] A rough calculation made by another person in 1830 argued that there were 71.3% whites and caboclos and 28.9% blacks but did not detail which group included the descendants of white and black miscegenation.^[178] The traveler Johann Moritz Rugendas believed that in 1835 there were 854,000 whites, 648,000 pardos and 1,987,000 blacks.^[178]

The first official national census was compiled by the government in 1872 showing that out of 9,930,479 inhabitants there were 38.1% whites, 38.3% pardos, 19.7% blacks and 3.9% Indians.^[178] The second official national census in 1890 revealed that in a population of 14,333,915, 44% were whites, 32.4% pardos, 14.6% blacks and 9% Indians.^[178]

[edit] European immigration

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[edit] Slavery

In 1823, barely a year after it became an independent nation, slaves represented 29% of the population in Brazil. This percentage fell as time passed: from 24% in 1854, to 15.2% in 1872 and finally to less than 5% in 1887—the year before slavery was completely abolished.^[193] Slaves were mostly adult males from southwestern Africa.^[194] Slaves brought to Brazil differed ethnically, religiously and in language. They identified with their own nations rather than as Africans.^[195] African tribes fought among themselves and some of the slaves acquired in successful wars were sold to slave dealers who brought them to the Americas.^[196][197] While slaves were usually black or mulatto there were reported cases of white slaves—albeit very rare and generally disapproved socially—the product of generations of interbreeding between male slave owners and their female mulatto slaves.^[198] Slaves and their descendants were usually found in regions devoted to producing exports for foreign markets.^[199] The eastern coast of the northwest region is representative where, during the 16th to 17th century, sugarcane was an important export crop.^[200] Northern Maranhão province is another instance where cotton and rice were produced in the 18th century.^[201] Also in the same century slaves were used in the Minas Gerais province where gold was extracted.^[202] Slavery was also common in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Espírito Santo and again in Minas Gerais during the 19th century for the cultivation of coffee which became vital to the national economy.

Most slaves worked as plantation laborers.^[203] Relatively few Brazilians owned slaves and medium and small-sized farms usually employed free workers.^[204]. Slaves could be found scattered throughout society in other capacities: some were used as house servants, farmers, miners, prostitutes, gardeners and in many other jobs.^[205] Many emancipated slaves went on to acquire slaves and there were even cases of slaves who had their own slaves.^[206][207] Even the most harsh slave owners adhered to a long-established practice of selling slaves along with their families taking care not to separate individuals.^[208]

The prevalence of slavery was not uniform geographically across Brazil. Around 1870 only five provinces (Rio de Janeiro with 30%, Bahia with 15%, Minas Gerais with 14%, São Paulo with 7% and Rio Grande do Sul also with 7%) held 73% of the nation's total slave population.^[203] These were followed by Pernambuco (with 6%) and Alagoas (with 4%). Among the remaining 13 provinces none individually had even 3%.^[209] It should also be noted that slaves who were freed instantly became citizens with all civil rights guaranteed with the exception that freed slaves were barred from voting in elections though their children and descendants could vote.^[210]

[edit] Nobility

The nobility of Brazil differed markedly from counterparts in Europe. Noble titles were not hereditary with sole exception of members of the Imperial Family.^[211] Persons who had received a noble title were not considered as belonging to a separate social class and received no appanages, stipends or emoluments.^[211] Many ranks, traditions and regulations in Brazil's system of nobility were co-opted directly from the Portuguese aristocracy.^[212][213] During Pedro I's reign there were no clear requisites for someone to be ennobled. In Pedro II's reign (excepting the Regency period during which the Regent could not grant titles or honors^[214]) the nobility evolved into a meritocracy^[212] with titles granted to individuals in recognition of outstanding service to the Empire or to the public good. Noble rank did not represent "recognition of illustrious ancestry."^[215][216]

It was the Emperor's right as head of the Executive branch to grant titles and honors.^[212] The titles of nobility were, from lowest to highest: baron, viscount, count, marquis and duke.^[212] Apart from position in the hierarchy there were other distinctions between the ranks: count, marquises and dukes were considered "Grandees of the Empire" while the titles of barons and viscounts could be bestowed "with Greatness" or "without Greatness".^[212] All of them were to be addressed as "Your Excellency".^[212]

From 1822 until 1889, 986 people were ennobled.^[217] Only three became Dukes: Auguste de Beauharnais, 2nd Duke of Leuchtenberg (as Duke of Santa Cruz, brother-in-law to Pedro I), Dona Isabel Maria de Alcântara Brasileira (as Duchess of Goiás, illegitimate daughter of Pedro I) and lastly Luís Alves de Lima e Silva (as Duke of Caxias, hero of the War of the Triple Alliance).^[218] The other titles granted were: 47 marquises, 51 counts, 146 viscounts "with Greatness", 89 viscounts "without Greatness", 135 barons "with Greatness" and 740 barons "without greatness" resulting in a total of 1,211 noble titles.^[219] The reason why there were fewer nobles than noble titles is because many were elevated more than once during their lifetime (e.g., the Duke of Caxias, who was baron, then count, marquis and then duke).^[214] Grants of nobility did not include only Brazilians and men. There was the case of Thomas Cochrane, 10th Earl of Dundonald a Scot who was made Marquis of Maranhão for his role in the Brazilian War of Independence^[220] and 29 women became nobles in their own right.^[221] As well as not being limited by gender no racial distinctions were made in conferring nobility as Caboclos,^[222] mulattoes,^[223] blacks^[224] and even Indians^[225] were ennobled.

Members of the Imperial Orders constituted the lesser nobility (that is, non-titled nobles). There were six of these: the Order of Christ, the Order of Saint Benedict of Aviz, the Order of Saint James of the Sword, the Order of the Southern Cross, the Order of Pedro I and the Order of the Rose.^[226] The first three had grades of honor beyond the Grand Master (reserved to the emperor only): knight, commander and grand cross. The latter three, however, had different ranks: the Order of the Southern Cross with four, and the Order of the Rose with no fewer than six.^[226]

[edit] Religion

Article 5 of the Constitution declared Catholicism to be the state religion.^[227] However, the clergy had long been understaffed, undisciplined and poorly educated.^[228][229] This led to a general loss of respect for the Catholic Church.^[228] In Pedro II's reign the Imperial government embarked upon a program of reform to address these deficiencies.^[228] As the Catholic Church was the official religion the Emperor exercised a great deal of control over Church affairs^[228] paying clerical salaries, appointing parish priests, nominating bishops, ratifying papal bulls and overseeing seminaries.^[228][230] In pursuing reform the government selected bishops which satisfied its criteria for education, support for reform and moral fitness.^[228][229] However, as more capable men began to fill the clerical ranks, resentment of government control over the Church increased.^[228][229]

Catholic clerics moved closer to the Pope and his doctrines, mainly Ultramontanism. This resulted in clashes during the 1870s between the clergy and the government since the former desired a more direct relationship with Rome and the latter wished to maintain its oversight of church affairs. Only after arduous negotiations was the government able to restore good relations with the clergy but at a high price.^[231] The main consequence was that the clergy no longer discerned any benefit in rendering their support to Pedro II.^[232] Although they had abandoned the Emperor they eagerly anticipated the day when his eldest daughter and heir Isabel would ascend the throne due to her ultramontane views.^[233] At the same time the Catholic Church began to perceive Positivisn as a serious threat and especially in Brazil where it had taken root among the Military corps by the end of the monarchy. Positivist doctrine had a clear anti-religious stance.^[234]

The Constitution did allow the existence of other religious faiths although these were restricted to private practices and their religous buildings were forbidden.^[235] From the outset these restrictions were ignored and the authorities never bothered to interfere. The main non-Catholic faiths in Brazil, although a very small minority, were Judaism and Protestantism.

All Jews residing in Portugal were forcibly converted to Catholicism in 1496 years before Brazil was claimed by the Portuguese Crown.^[235] Those who resisted were expelled and later settled in northern Africa (mainly in Morroco). These became known as Sephardi Jews.^[235] Their descendants, who curiously still spoke Portuguese after centuries, migrated to Brazil soon after its independence and settled mainly in the northeastern provinces of Bahia and Pernambuco and in the northern provinces of Amazonas and Pará.^[235] In the capital of the Para, Belém, the first synagogue was built in 1824—the same year in which Brazil's Constitution was decreed.^[235] Other Jewish groups came from Germany (more precisely Alsace-Lorraine) and Ashkenazi Jews immigrated from Russia to escape the anti-semitic pogroms following the assassination of Czar Alexander II in 1881.^[236] By the 1880s there were several Jewish communities and synagogues scattered throughout Brazil.^[237]

The Protestants were another group that began settling in Brazil at the beginning of the 19th Century. The first Protestants were English who opened an Anglican church in Rio de Janeiro in 1820. Others were established afterwards in São Paulo, Pernambuco and Bahia provinces.^[238] They were followed by Lutheran Germans and Swiss who settled in the South and Southwest regions and built their own houses of worship.^[238] Decades later in the 1860s immigrants from the southern United States settled in São Paulo after fleeing the Reconstruction policy following the end of the U.S. Civil War. There followed various mission activities sponsored by several American churches including Baptists, Lutherans, Congregationalists and the Methodists who were most active of all.^[239] In addition to preaching they also built churches, started schools and published newspapers which were warmly welcomed by Brazilians.^[240]

[edit] See also

• Monarchies in the Americas

[edit] Notes

[edit] References

• Alencastro, Luiz Felipe de. História da vida privada no Brasil: Império. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1997. ISBN 9788571646810
• Azevedo, Aroldo. O Brasil e suas regiões. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1971. (Portuguese)
• Barman, Roderick J. Brazil: The Forging of a Nation, 1798-1852. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988. ISBN 0804714371
• Barman, Roderick J. Citizen Emperor: Pedro II and the Making of Brazil, 1825–1891. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999. ISBN 1804735107 (English)
• Besouchet, Lidia. José Maria Paranhos: Visconde do Rio Branco: ensaio histórico-biográfico. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1985. (Portuguese)
• Besouchet, Lídia. Pedro II e o Século XIX. 2. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1993. ISBN 85-209-0494-7 (Portuguese)
• Boxer, Charles R.. O império marítimo português 1415–1825. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2002. ISBN 8535902929 (Portuguese)
• Carvalho, José Murilo de. Os Bestializados: o Rio de Janeiro e a República que não foi. 2. ed. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1987. (Portuguese)
• Carvalho, José Murilo de. A Monarquia brasileira. Rio de Janeiro: Ao Livro Técnico, 1993. (Portuguese)
• Carvalho, José Murilo de. D. Pedro II: ser ou não ser. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2007. ISBN 9788535909692 (Portuguese)
• Carvalho, José Murilo de. Cidadania no Brasil: o longo caminho. 10. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2008. (Portuguese)
• Coelho, Marcos Amorim. Geografia do Brasil. 4th ed. São Paulo: Moderna, 1996. (Portuguese)
• Enciclopédia Barsa. Volume 4: Batráquio – Camarão, Filipe. Rio de Janeiro: Encyclopædia Britannica do Brasil, 1987. (Portuguese)
• Moreira, Igor A. G. O Espaço Geográfico, geografia geral e do Brasil. 18. Ed. São Paulo: Ática, 1981. (Portuguese)
• Nabuco, Joaquim. Um Estadista do Império. Volume único. 4th ed. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Aguilar, 1975. (Portuguese)
• Olivieri, Antonio Carlos. Dom Pedro II, Imperador do Brasil. São Paulo: Callis, 1999. (Portuguese)
• Ramos, Arthur. A mestiçagem no Brasil. Maceió: EDUFAL, 2003. ISBN 8571771812 (Portuguese)
• Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. As barbas do Imperador: D. Pedro II, um monarca nos trópicos. 2. Ed. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1998. ISBN 8571648379 (Portuguese)
• Vainfas, Ronaldo. Dicionário do Brasil Imperial. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2002. ISBN 8573024410 (Portuguese)
• Vesentini, José William. Brasil, sociedade e espaço – Geografia do Brasil. 7th Ed. São Paulo: Ática, 1988. (Portuguese)
• Vianna, Hélio. Vultos do Império. São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1968. (Portuguese)
• Vianna, Hélio. História do Brasil: período colonial, monarquia e república, 15. ed. São Paulo: Melhoramentos, 1994. ISBN 1000109936421 (Portuguese)

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